10 ANNI DI CARCERE A OTEGI E DIEZ
La sentenza del cosiddetto casa Bateragune che vede implicati alcuni dei politici baschi della sinistra indipendentista più conosciuti ha confermato le pene preannunciate da Cadena Ser.
Arnaldo Otegi e Rafa Diez sono stati condannati a 10 anni di carcere mentre Sonia Jacinto, Miren Zabaleta e Arkaitz Rodrígue sono stati condannati a otto anni. Assolti xelui Moreno, Mañel Serra e Amaia Esnal.
La Cadena Ser però già stanotte anticipava il verdetto citando fonti giudiziarie. Un verdetto pesantissimo che conferma che la Audiencia Nacional ha accolto le tesi della Fiscalía secondo la quale i politici baschi erano agli ordini di ETA.
Il messaggio dello stato spagnolo è chiaro : nessuna rinuncia alla politica repressiva fin qui pratica, nessuna rinuncia alla violenza. Anzi, attraverso questa violenza lo stato spagnolo cerca di togliere qualunque speranza e illusione a chi invece ha, unilateralmente, scelto di percorrere il cammino del dialogo e della pace.
Un messaggio durissimo quello dello stato spagnolo: dimenticate la speranza.
Pubblichiamo qui sotto l’editoriale di Gara in attesa della sentenza ufficiale :
Una condena que busca minar la esperanza de la sociedad vasca
A la espera de que se confirme la filtración lanzada ayer por la Cadena Ser, una sentencia condenatoria contra Arnaldo Otegi, Rafa Díez, Arkaitz Rodríguez, Sonia Jacinto y Miren Zabaleta constituye la peor noticia que en estos momentos podía salir de la Audiencia Nacional. Una pésima noticia y, sin duda, una razón para preocuparse.
El tribunal presidido por Ángela Murillo tuvo ocasión de escuchar de viva voz el motivo real por el que los ocho imputados en el caso Bateragune se sentaron en el banquillo. No pueden alegar los jueces falta de claridad en la exposición. Por primera vez, un juicio de estas características fue retransmitido en directo y junto a los magistrados fueron miles las personas que oyeron a los militantes de la izquierda abertzale relatar el trabajo desarrollado para conducir a este país a un escenario de paz, donde cualquier expresión de violencia desaparezca definitivamente. Las palabras de Otegi y sus compañeros aún retumban en las paredes del tribunal. Pese a ello, o precisamente por ese motivo, pueden ser condenados. A nadie se le escapa, por tanto, qué es lo que se está sentenciando y el alcance de la decisión judicial. Se trata de un hecho extremadamente grave, en primer lugar por el castigo que supone para los militantes abertzales que han sido condenados y para sus familias, y también en tanto es la respuesta que el Estado español da a la mano tendida por quienes apuestan por un cambio de ciclo en este país.
El mensaje es claro: Madrid mantiene invariable su política represiva; no renuncia a la violencia. Y a través de ella persigue el desistimiento de aquellos que unilateralmente han apostado por la paz y la solución. Golpea, además, a quienes se reconoce como principales impulsores de esa apuesta, y lo hace a pesar del clamor existente en Euskal Herria en favor de su liberación y contra las innumerables peticiones llegadas desde el ámbito internacional para exigir un desenlace positivo. Esa es la apuesta que mantienen los poderes del Estado. «Perded toda esperanza», es el mensaje que quieren transmitir. Pero deben ser conscientes de que ahora la receptora de ese mensaje es toda la sociedad vasca.
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Be your own media !
The “minds” behind The Rojava Report website are a group of students from different backgrounds. ANF interviewed them on why they felt more information on Rojava and more in general on the Kurdish issue is needed and how they tried to answer to this need by creating their own site.
How did the idea of a blog on Rojava come about ?
All of us who were involved in setting up the Rojava Report understood that there was a huge lack of information regarding what was happening in the region. When the media in the US spoke about the Kurds in Syria – and this itself was rare – it was always along the lines of ethnic or sectarian violence, or to give another example of the “intractability” of the conflict. It was always in terms of an “Arab-Kurdish” conflict, as a corollary or side-show to the “Alawite/Christian-Sunni” conflict that has been the dominant narrative in the mainstream media. In general we felt that those advancing the revolution in Rojava needed a platform from which their voices could be heard, and on which they could stake out their own vision for the future of their country and the Middle East more generally, without the reductionist narratives there are so common among out the major news outlets here. It was meant to be a more unfiltered, more direct source of news about what was happening in Rojava.
How is the Kurdish issue in general perceived in the States ?
Of course that depends on who you talk to. However even among people who consider themselves informed about events in the Middle East, and are sympathetic to a degree to Kurdish demands for national rights, there is a huge dearth of understanding about the complexities of Kurdish politics in the region and Kurdish aspirations for a new Middle East. In regards to Rojava in particular there is still an assumption that Kurds are – or at least the PYD is (if they can make the distinction) – “close to the regime” or at the very least unwilling to do much about it. This unfortunately was the dominant narrative until the beginning of the revolution last summer – I mean if you read anything in the Washington Post or the New York Times through the Spring of 2012 that is what you find (and forget the television channels because they never had time for the Kurds). Just google “Kurds on the sidelines” and see how many articles come up! Then the narrative began to shift slightly after the revolution and it became something along the lines of “Kurds are dividing the opposition.” I mean can you imagine? It was as if they could not make anyone happy, or at least not in a way that respected the principles of their movement. But that is just the point because that is all lost, and even now the YPG is treated as simply one more sectarian militia, while the entire content of their revolution and their politically ideology is buried under a simplistic discourse of “Kurdish nationalism” and “sectarian strife.”
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