Tory Human Rights plan ‘would wreck peace deal’

Tory Human Rights plan ‘would wreck peace deal’

Loading

The new British government has already launched an ultra-conservative  political agenda that could unravel the peace process in the north of  Ireland.

Among the radical announcements expected to be made shortly are plans to  scrap the 1998 Human Rights Act, which underpins a key aspect of the  1998 Good Friday peace Agreement.

The Belfast peace deal included a measure that Britain integrate the  European Convention of Human Rights into law in the Six Counties, a  process that was included in the Human Rights Act.

Part of the Good Friday Agreement was meant to ensure that European  standards on human rights would transfer directly to the north of  Ireland, and since 1998 all legislation created by the Stormont Assembly  must be compatible with European law.

The scrapping of the act featured in the Conservatives manifesto and is  now expected to be included in the Queen’s Speech, a statement of future  policy, on 28th May, alongside laws to further curb free speech.

The move had been opposed by Cameron’s former coalition partners, the  Liberal Democrats, but the results of last week’s election means they  are no longer part of the equation and the Tory agenda can be forced  through Westminster by the narrow Conservative majority.

‘COLLOSAL BLOW’

Nationalists have warned the move could spell “chaos” for the north of  Ireland and have a deep impact on the Stormont setup.

SDLP justice spokesman Alban Maginness expressed concern that unionists  might seek to exploit any change in the law to change the legislation on  sectarian parades to create a ‘right to parade’.

“As we approach the marching season we should take note of the fact that  all Parades Commission determinations are subject to the European  Convention on Human Rights as interpreted through the Human Rights Act,”  said Mr Maginness.

Civil liberties and human rights organisations such as the Committee for  the Administration of Justice and Amnsety have warned against the move.

The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), which has been  highlighting human rights abuses in Ireland for decades, said that if  the Tories forced Britain out of Europe’s human rights code it would  shatter confidence over policing reform.

“The European [convention on human rights] is absolutely vital in the  day-to-day governance of Northern Ireland – to withdraw from it would be  a colossal blow to the peace process,” said Brian Gormally, the CAJ’s  director,

Sinn Fein’s Gerry Adams called it a “scandalous attack” on the peace  deal. He said repealing the act would be a “grievous breach of the Good  Friday Agreement” and would have “enormous” implications for the  administration of government, justice, policing, and equality. He called  on the 26-County prime minister to raise the matter with David Cameron.

In response, the 26 County Foreign Affairs Minister Charlie Flanagan  said the protection of human rights was a key principle underpinning the  1998 peace agreement.  “As a guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, the  Irish Government takes very seriously our responsibility to safeguard  the Agreement,” he said.

He said he would raise it with the British Direct Ruler, Theresa  Villiers. But Villiers immediately defended the plan and said British  courts would “continue to protect fundamental rights enshrined in the  European Convention”.



Related Articles

¿SON IGUALES TODAS LAS VÍCTIMAS?

Loading

 Iñaki Egaña Presidente de Euskal Memoria

El anuncio unilateral del cese definitivo de la violencia de ETA ha provocado varios terremotos simultáneos, en los que algunos protagonistas se abren paso a codazos, como queriendo imponer una determinada visión de lo ocurrido. En juego parece no estar la credibilidad, sino la inmediatez, haciendo viejo aquel adagio de quien golpea primero golpea dos veces. Como si, después de tantas mentiras y tergiversaciones, lo único importante del apartado de victimas, el tema que me ocupa, fuera la portada mediática y no su tratamiento mesurado.

 

Mal empezamos en la cuestión de las víctimas del conflicto cuando las mismas las reducimos a las ocasionadas por ETA desde 1968. ETA es una expresión del mismo y no su origen, por lo que comprimir la tragedia a las causadas por la organización que nació diez años antes de esa fecha es una manipulación. Memoricidio, según el argot más moderno.

Tampoco es de recibo reducir la responsabilidad del Estado a cuatro excesos de funcionarios a sueldo y tapar, como es tendencia atávica, decenas, cientos de víctimas, a las que se esconde bajo la alfombra para trampear la realidad. En algunos de los casos, además, se convierte una ejecución en un acto difuminado de enfrentamiento o de casualidad. Un ejercicio, por otro lado, dedicado a condimentar con perejil democrático otro memoricidio de signo similar al anterior.

Como no creo que sea de recibo y de la misma manera, el partir del análisis que hace el Estado de tiempos, situaciones, espacios e incluso modos de matar y de morir. Si hasta ahora ese mismo Estado ha negado su evidencia, ¿va a cambiar ahora de la noche a la mañana de perspectiva? La experiencia nos dice que, en la medida que pueda, y para ello no importa quién esté en el poder, seguirá eludiendo responsabilidades. Le ha sucedido al PSOE, víctima en la guerra civil y del franquismo, que ha sustituido precisamente a los victimarios en la ocultación de la verdad de las épocas citadas en cuanto llegó a tener responsabilidad de gestión política.

Wall of fear

Loading

When border fences and minefields were not enough to separate the Northern Kurds and the Kurds in Rojava, Turkey started

Stormont talks end in failure: Tory/DUP pact blamed

Loading

The collapse of talks to revive power-sharing has been described by Sinn Fein’s Michelle O’Neill as a “monumental failure” by British

No comments

Write a comment
No Comments Yet! You can be first to comment this post!

Write a Comment