And the election is ON!

The starting pistol has been fired; the referee has blown his whistle; the starting gates have been thrown open; and we are off the blocks.
And at the end of all those sporting metaphors I’m sure you don’t need me to tell you that we are now in the midst of the general election.
There has been a sort of phoney election campaign going on for months.
All of the parties have been writing their manifestos and polishing off their policy documents. In the last three weeks anyone who follows me on twitter will know that I have been travelling across the south for the campaign launches of Sinn Féin candidates.
From Meath to Wicklow and Wexford, to Dublin, Cork and Galway. In Louth Imelda Munster and I had a great campaign launch. We are hoping to take two of the five seats. It’s a big ask but doable.
The mood among activists is expectant and positive. There is a widely held view that the party will do better this time than we did in 2011 when we won fourteen seats in the Dáil and three subsequently in the Seanad.
But we can take nothing for granted. This is senior hurling. Not a vote has been cast. So the next three weeks will be a frenetic round of public meetings, canvassing and media interviews. The leadership debates will undoubtedly attract a lot of interest. It’s not clear yet who will participate in what. The RTE debates could involve up to seven party leaders. That’s a lot. I don’t envy those who will have the task of ensuring impartiality and balance and equal time for so many.
It will come as no surprise that the establishment parties of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Labour seek a continuation of ‘business as usual’. That means continued political cronyism and policies that entrench inequality and unfairness.
The current Fine Gael/Labour coalition like its Fianna Fail predecessor, has presided over an unprecedented housing and homeless crisis, chaos in our hospitals, increased taxes on struggling families and workers, regressive budgets, the dismantling of vital public services and the abandonment of rural communities.
Fine Gael is clearly advocating a return to reckless ‘boom and bust’
policies which previously caused the collapse of the economy. The result will be a further erosion of public services and increased hardship for ordinary, working people.
The so-called ‘recovery’ they boast off and wish to sustain is a recovery only for those who have already benefited – high earners, bankers and property developers.
Fine Gael and Labour have continued to protect the Golden Circle. Just like Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party have continued political appointments to state boards and refused to act on high salaries for politicians, in banking and on state bodies.
Meanwhile they have ignored the demands of hundreds of thousands of citizens who have taken to the streets again and again to demand the scrapping of domestic Water Charges.
The outgoing government has also refused to engage with the British government in the consistent strategic way that is required to ensure the full implementation of the Good Friday and other agreements.
One message that Sinn Féin canvassers will bring to the doorsteps is that a vote for Labour in this election is a vote for a Fine Gael-led Government. The Labour Party claim they are in Government to put the brakes on Fine Gael’s right-wing impulse. We’ve heard it all before and all the evidence demonstrates the opposite.
Labour Ministers have been the most enthusiastic proponents of vicious cuts to the welfare of ordinary families. As a senior Cabinet member, Joan Burton oversaw the implementation of water charges, the Property Tax, cuts to child benefit, removal of medical cards, cuts to health and welfare, and a succession of stealth taxes.
Meanwhile, Fianna Fáil cannot provide a credible opposition to the present Government which is merely implementing a policy plan laid out for it five years ago by Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil Leader Mícheál Martin sat around the cabinet table for 14 years, developing the very policies now being implemented by Fine Gael and Labour. Domestic water charges, were Fianna Fáil’s brainchild.
Micheál Martin has ruled out going into coalition with Fine Gael or Sinn Féin. He has effectively ruled Fianna Fáil out of Government. As a consequence Martin has made Fianna Fáil irrelevant to the election campaign.
So, this election boils down to a choice between two different visions for Irish society – between a Fine Gael-led Government which will continue unfairness and inequality or a Sinn Féin-led Government committed to a recovery for all citizens – in other words, a genuine republic.
Had anyone at any time in the last 40 years suggested that politics in this state would see Sinn Féin as the government in waiting they would run the risk of being told they were mad. Whatever the outcome this time one thing is certain – it’s no longer a matter of if Sinn Féin will be in government in Dublin – it’s a matter of when.
In just less than three very short weeks citizens will have the opportunity to elect a progressive, republican Government which will pursue a fair recovery, end the chaos in health and housing and stand up for ordinary citizens. In this Centenary year of the 1916 Rising isn’t that worth working hard to achieve?
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Sinistra Indipendentista, Eusko Alkartasuna Alternatiba: NUOVO ACCORDO PER LA SOVRANITA’ E IL CAMBIO SOCIALE
Dopo l’accordo strategico firmato a Bilbao nel giugno 2010 tra Sinistra Indipendentista e Eusko Alkartasuna domenica scorsa a Gasteiz (Vitoria) un nuovo passo è stato compiuto verso la creazione della convergenza per la “sovranità di sinistra e progressista basca”. Ad aggiungersi ai firmatari di Bilbao è arrivata Alternatiba, una scissione di Ezker Batua, Izuierda Unida basca, che aveva sottoscritto anche la Dichiarazione di Gernika.
Nel palazzo dei congressi Europa, gremito di militanti delle formazioni politiche firmatarie, Pello Urizar (EA), Jone Goirizelaia (SI) e Oskar Matute (Alternatiba) hanno spiegato i motivi di questo accordo.
Urizar dopo aver rivendicato il ”diritto dei baschi ha disegnare il proprio vestito” ha rimarcato che ogni organizzazione pur mantenendo i propri obiettivi e identità lavorare anno in modo congiunto sui punti comuni stabiliti nel documento sottoscritto.
Urizar segnalò che “le organizzazioni firmatarie si compromettono a perseguire il loro fini unicamente per vi pacifiche e democratiche” includendo “dal alvoro istituzionale alla disobbedienza civile”.
Jone Goirizelaia ha sottolineato che questo accordo arriva in un momento trascendentale dopo che ETA ha preso una “decisione senza precedenti e storica” con l’annuncio della tregua generale, permanente e verificabile.
La rappresentate della SI ha detto che si “è aperto la porta a una nuova fase politica” invitando al lavoro ed a “essere perseveranti ed attivi” sapendo che non mancheranno “le provocazioni”. Inoltre ha riaffermato che i firmatari di questo accordo difendono tutti i diritti per tutte le persone e la legalizzazione di tutti i progetti politici, aggiungendo che verrà “svelato quanto di mercenario c’è nel conflitto”
Oska Matute è stato incaricato per sviluppare la parte dell’accordo che riguarda il modello socioeconomico. Considerando che “l’economia è il cuore della politica” i firmatari si compromettono nel “porre l’economia al servizio dei cittadini”. Dinnanzi alla dicotomia tra “difendere le persone e i loro diritti o il capitale e il suoi benefici” la scelta sulla prima opzione è inequivocabile. Matute ha colto l’occasione per annunciare l’appoggio di EA; SI, e Alternatiba allo sciopero generale che la maggioranza sindacale basca ha indetto per il 27 gennaio contro la riforma delle pensioni annuncia dal Governo Zapatero.
Euskal Herria ezkerretik
Il documento sottoscritto riguarda le quattro province di Hego Euskal Herria (province nello stato spagnolo)
Di seguito alcuni estratti:
1. Contesto della congiuntura
Euskal Herria si trova attualmente scossa da correnti sociopolitiche e socioeconomiche che incidono direttamente nella violazione dei diritti individuali e collettivi. Questa situazione è generata per tre motivi complementari: le strutture e politiche che hanno generato la crisi sistemica, le carenze democratiche degli stati spagnolo e francese e l’esaurimento dei quadri giuridici.
La ferma volontà di superare gli esauriti quadri giuridico politico attuali, che non rispondono ai desideri della maggioranza sociale del paese, la crisi del sistema socioeconomico e il quadro istituzionale artificiale, che limita i diritti individuali e collettivi della società basca e di Euskal Herria, ci ha portato all’impegno di lavorare in modo congiunto.
Alla negazione del diritto di Euskal Herria a definire il suo futuro come nazione, si unisce una situazione di profonda crisi del sistema, attaccando le basi del welfare state con il pretesto della crisi economica mediante la promozione di misure socioeconomiche regressive che influiscono sulla qualità della vita delle classi popolari.
BARRICATE NO TAV
Cronaca di una notte sulle barricate per i valsusini No Tav. All’assemblea del Presidio della Maddalena, alla Clarea di Chiomonte,
OCALAN: THE PLOT AGAINST THE KURDS
This is the text of the second article published in il manifesto on 13 February 2010.Throughout history mankind has often