ABDULLAH OCALAN: TIME FOR PEACE

Normal.dotm 0 0 1 811 4625 .. 38 9 5679 12.0 0 false 14 18 pt 18 pt 0 0 false false false /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:”Tabella normale”; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:””; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:”Times New Roman”; mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:”Times New Roman”; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:”Times New Roman”; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}

I respectfully greet all the readers of il manifesto and my friends in Italy.

My particular thanks go to your newspaper for giving me this opportunity to express my opinions.

 

Italy is a country that holds a most particular meaning for me. Not only because in November 1998 my quest for a democratic solution to the Kurdish question led me to Rome, but also because of the high opinion I hold of Italian history and the struggles for liberation that have taken place there. In my most recent book, “The Democratisation of Middle-Eastern Culture”, I devoted several pages to Italy and its role. I hope to be able to share it with my readers soon, although direct communication may not always be possible due to my being in solitary confinement.

 

On another occasion I would like to discuss the international conspiracy that brought me from Rome to the island of Imrali. To discuss not only the historical significance of this event for the Kurds, but also the power structures of the global system and the nature of international relations. I think this could be of interest to the progressive side of European public opinion.

 

I personally learnt historical lessons from the 3-month odyssey that took me to Athens, Moscow and Rome. The central concept of my most recent books is that of the “capitalist modernity” which, with its 1000 masks and weapons, I was able to witness close-up during my adventure. If this hadn’t happened I would never have drawn the conclusions that I did. Perhaps I would have remained attached to a simple, statist-type nationalism, or would have become part of a classic left-wing movement like so many before me. As a socio-scientifically thinking individual I don’t want to draw any definitive conclusions, but I assume that I would never have been able to arrive at my current analyses.

 

I would like to underline a fundamental conclusion. The true strength of the capitalist modernity lies neither in its money nor in its arms. Its true strength is represented by its almost magical ability to suffocate in its own liberalism all utopias, including the strongest and most recent utopia – socialism. Until we are able to understand how the whole of humanity can be trapped in the vortex of liberalism, even the most self-confident school of thought will be incapable of being anything but a lackey to capitalism, let alone the possibility of fighting it.

 

I am fighting with the Kurdish people, not only for our identity and our existence. Our battle is also against the dominant ideology of the capitalist modernity and is an attempt from Mesopotamia, the cradle of civilization, to contribute towards the creation of an alternative which we call “democratic modernity”.

 

In the context of global terrorism paranoia, we see the attempts by the Turkish government to label our democratic struggle as “terrorist” as just the same old propaganda game. The Turkish State’s mentality to date of denying the Kurdish people their fundamental human rights, is not so different from the uniformising fascist, authoritarian mentality that in the twentieth century established itself in Germany and Italy.

 

To this day the Turkish State perpetrates political, economic and cultural genocide against the Kurdish population. The Kurdish people opposes this with obstinate, organised resistance. I continue my quest for a peaceful, democratic solution against the chauvinist, fascistic nationalism which has, in the meantime, advanced its lynch-mob culture wherever Kurds live. From 1993 onwards I have made a number of proposals and tangible steps. The unilateral ceasefire in 1999 – the year of crisis – was respected despite various attacks, the withdrawal of guerrillas from Turkish territory and the symbolic peace delegations from Europe and from the Kandil mountains, are only a small part of the peace efforts. The fact that in 2009 the guns have been unilaterally silent and a delegation of guerrillas arrived in Turkey from the Kandil mountains should serve as proof of the continuity and perseverance of my efforts for peace.

Despite everything the stance of the Turkish State has not changed. Our efforts in the direction of peace continue to be underestimated and are taken as a sign of weakness. Military operations and attacks on the population continue. All the state organs continue to shout in unison: “eliminate them!” The current AKP government is carrying out the most insidious diversionary manoeuvre of all in trying to make the European states believe that they are working towards democratisation and a solution to the Kurdish question.

 

It is this government that has passed laws, thanks to which Turkish prisons are full of Kurdish children and thanks to which in Sirnak a prosecutor could demand 305 years of imprisonment for five children. Thanks to this government it was possible to outlaw the Party for a Democratic Society (DTP). And it is this government that continues to humiliate Kurds, taking Kurdish mayors away from their electorate in handcuffs, something that recalls images of the deportations to concentration camps.

 

The Kurdish people will never stop fighting for their fundamental rights. They will continue to organise themselves with the aim of regaining their dignity and a life of freedom. The will gain that freedom fighting with democratic means, but also reserving their right to self-defence. I have not the slightest doubt of this.

 

In concluding this article, written at the beginning of a new year, I would like to wish the Italian people a happy 2010. That this year may bring liberation to oppressed peoples, classes and sexes.

 

 


Related Articles

IL CINICO GIOCO DELLE “COINCIDENZE”

In questi mesi abbiamo scritto delle “coincidenze” tra manifestazioni o iniziative della sinistra indipendentista basca con arresti di presunti militanti

ROJAVA RESISTANCE: DAY 11 – LIVE BLOG

20:10 Kurdish Red Crescent (Heyva Sor), Syrian Red Crescent and International Red Cross have finally managed to enter the city of

17 febbraio – 3 marzo 2012

GIOVEDI 16 FEBBRAIO

AHT GELDITU (Movimento No-Tav) a FIRENZE

 VENERDI 17 FEBBRAIO 

AHT GELDITU (Movimento No-Tav) a ROVATO (BS)

 SABATO 18 FEBBRAIO

AHT GELDITU (Movimento No-Tav) a RHO (MI)

AHT GELDITU (Movimento No-Tav) in VAL SUSA (TO)

 DOMENICA 19 FEBBRAIO

IZQUIERDA ABERTZALE (Sinistra Indipendentista) a MILANO

 LUNEDI 20 FEBBRAIO

IZQUIERDA ABERTZALE (Sinistra Indipendentista) a TORINO

HERRIRA, ETXERAT, EX PRIGIONIERI a NAPOLI

 MARTEDI 21 FEBBRAIO

IKASLE ABERTZALEAK (Studenti indipendentisti) a MILANO

 MERCOLEDI 22 FEBBRAIO

HERRIRA, ETXERAT, EX PRIGIONIERI a MILANO (pom.)

HERRIRA, ETXERAT, EX PRIGIONIERI a MILANO (sera)

AHAZTUAK (Memoria storica) a FIRENZE

No comments

Write a comment
No Comments Yet! You can be first to comment this post!

Write a Comment